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NEWS BLACKOUT ON SINAI EVICTIONS STIRS ISRAELI PROTESTS

Date: 20 April 1982

By David K. Shipler, Special To the New York Times

David Shipler

As intensive diplomatic negotiations continued today between Egypt and Israel on putting their peace treaty into effect, the Israeli army moved in force into northern Sinai and began evicting Jewish protesters from the settlements in the area. Few details of the eviction were available because Defense Minister Ariel Sharon ordered all journalists barred from the scenes. His action brought worried protests from editors' and reporters' committees, which expressed concern for Israel's tradition of a free press. The army spokesman's office refused to provide any information on the evictions. Officials would not answer reporters' questions about injuries or arrests.

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Paper Says It's a Boy

Date: 19 April 1982

By Albin Krebs and Robert Mcg. Thomas Jr

Albin Krebs

The Princess of Wales isn't expected to give birth until July, but that hasn't kept a London newspaper from reporting that the royal offspring will be a boy. The paper, The Observer, a respected weekly, said yesterday that the sex of the fetus had been determined from a ''routine medical scan'' undergone by the Princess to monitor the growth and condition of the baby.

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GOING OUT GUIDE

Date: 20 April 1982

By Richard F. Shepard

Richard Shepard

SEE IT NOW Thirty years ago, ''See It Now,'' one of the first and certainly one of the all-time best television journalism programs, made its debut on CBS News, edited and produced by Fred W. Friendly and Edward R. Murrow. During its seven years on the network, 187 shows were produced. The program is long gone, but you can see it now in a four-week retrospective of 50 of the programs that starts today in the auditorium of the Museum of Broadcasting, 1 East 53d Street (752-4690). During its years, ''See It Now'' established standards against which news programs even today should be measured.

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BRIEFING

Date: 19 April 1982

By Francis X. Clines and Warren Weaver Jr

Francis Clines

It was a great cloning of the anchor baritones, a scene to rival the flappings and twitterings at Capistrano as the White House invited a large group of news broadcasters from out-of-town stations to come on the grounds, meet the President, and feel free to use the ultimate backdrop in broadcast journalism. The lawn by the North portico, usually restricted to Sam and Judy and Bill, quickly was swarming with a covey of two dozen TV newscasters and their crews who separately framed their local talent against that marvelous house. It was a display of stand-up magenta blazers and authoritative warblings that had tourists gawking from the other side of the White House fence. ''The President intends to press forward with his Argentine policy,'' one man boomed at his lens, cocking his brow toward the microphone, ''And it will be even handed, he stressed.'' Rival colleagues worked with the same sort of certainty from neighboring bits of turf, barely out of one another's camera range, filming the White House's idea of a great souvenir for the viewers back home.

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News Analysis

Date: 19 April 1982

By James M. Markham, Special To the New York Times

James

As Secretary of State Alexander M. Haig Jr. continued his mediation effort over the Falkland Islands, it was becoming clear how little leverage the United States has to move Argentina toward a compromise with Britain. Argentina's right-wing military junta is one of the most conspicuously anti-Communist regimes on the continent, and, in a switch from the Carter Administration's cold-shoulder approach, President Reagan has been assiduously wooing Buenos Aires as a strategic ally in the struggle against leftist movements in Central America. Lieut. Gen. Leopoldo Galtieri, the bluff general who heads the junta, had until the last few days the reputation of being one of the most pro-American leaders Argentina has had. But the crisis touched off by Argentina's seizure of the Falkland Islands has demonstrated that Argentina's concerns and strategic interests are not necessarily those of the United States, no matter how much Washington and Buenos Aires might agree on what should be done in a place such as El Salvador. Soviet Is Trading Partner ''There is a lot of anti-Communist rhetoric here,'' commented a Western ambassador, ''but underneath it lies a pragmatic understanding with the Soviet Union I think that, no matter what happens, the United States is going to lose here.''

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News Analysis

Date: 20 April 1982

By Clyde Haberman

Clyde Haberman

When Mayor Koch was asked one day last week what effect the budget impasse in Albany would have on New York City, he talked a good deal about how the state was required to have a budget and said that he was confident it would eventually have one. In short, by his own admission, the Mayor did not say very much. ''If you think I am stepping lightly here, you are right,'' he said, with more than a glint of amusement in his eyes. That response contrasted notably with Mr. Koch's comments a year ago, when Governor Carey and the Legislature were again mired in the sort of budget deadlock that has become an annual ritual in Albany.

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News Summary; MONDAY, APRIL 19, 1982

Date: 19 April 1982

International Longstanding obligations to Britain on the part of the United States were reaffirmed in Buenos Aires by Secretary of State Alexander M. Haig Jr. in remarks apparently aimed at exerting pressure on Argentina in the Falkland Islands crisis. There were signs that his talks with Argentine leaders were becoming increasingly strained, and he suggested that both sides put off for now the problem of dealing with the crucial issue of sovereignty over the islands. (Page A1, Column 6.) Phone calls from 10 Downing Street to colleagues were made by Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher as anxiety increased over the continuing deadlock in the peace negotiations in Buenos Aires. The Prime Minister's urgent calls were the second time in 24 hours that she had asked for opinions of Cabinet members on the Falkland Islands crisis. (A1:3-5.)

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NO STRANGER TO THE HIGH COURT

Date: 20 April 1982

By Stuart Taylor Jr., Special To the New York Times

Stuart Taylor

He was the first black accepted on the Harvard Law Review, the first to serve as a clerk to a Supreme Court Justice, the second to serve on a President's Cabinet and the first to reach the top of the corporate legal establishment. William T. Coleman Jr. is both a civil rights leader and a Republican who serves on nine corporate boards of directors, a $500,000-a-year Washington lawyer who can remember that ''when I was in high school and I went out for the swimming team, they abolished the team rather than let me swim.'' Today, Mr. Coleman received a new laurel and a new challenge, when the Supreme Court took the unusual step of inviting him to appear as a friend of the court in a major civil rights case. Mr. Coleman's job will be to present the case that the Reagan Administration abandoned when it decided that segregated private schools were legally entitled to Federal tax exemptions.

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Republicans Stay Away From Watt Appearances

Date: 19 April 1982

Special to the New York Times

Interior Secretary James G. Watt came here this weekend to help Republicans raise funds at a dinner and reception. But seven leading Republican officeholders found it impossible to attend.

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To the Editor: A news story published April 9 under the headline, ''Gifts to Charity Rise 12.3% to $53.6 Billion, a Record,'' overlooks perhaps the most significant factor contributing to that increase - the new tax law.

Date: 19 April 1982

The Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981 reduced the maximum tax rate on an individual's income from 70 percent to 50 percent, starting Jan. 1, 1982. Therefore, any tax deduction for charitable contributions made before that date would have the ef-fect of reducing the income-tax liability of a ''top bracket'' individual by 70 cents per contributed dollar, as opposed to a 50-cent reduction after that date.

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